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Michael McMahon's political career has been more accident than
design. As a 15 year old factory welder, he became active in the
trade union, but it took Labour party members involved in the
union, to encourage Michael to take a political interest beyond the
day-to-day concerns of pay and conditions, health and safety. It
was a natural progression from union activist to the Labour Party,
not a conscious decision: "something that just felt right … I had a
feel for issues of social responsibility, about being part of a
collective, having responsibility for people other than yourself".
Neither was the decision to stand for Parliament part of a grand
plan. Noticed as he moved up within the GMB and the Party, it was
suggested by colleagues that he put his name forward as a candidate
for the new Scottish Parliament. McMahon decided it was something a
"passionate supporter of devolution" should "definitely be involved
in … again, right place right time", he says. "I didn't drive
myself into it. I didn't set out and say by such-and-such a time I
want to be an MSP. I've always believed that where you are at the
time you make the most of".
He still has no game plan for his future. "If I'm thinking about
what I want to do next, my mind isn't on what I'm doing now. So I
let what's going to happen, happen … This is the job, I thoroughly
enjoy it and give all my energies to it. That's the way I've been
since I left school. I went into a job, gave it 100%, an
opportunity arose - I gave it 100%, and that led to other things -
which I gave 100% to … I could end up making a bad decision for the
wrong reasons", he says; "I'd always rather be able to live with
myself because I made it for the right reason." McMahon's attitude
to the media is as philosophical as his attitude to life in
general. Any media criticism he feels has, on the whole, been fair.
"Everyone's entitled to their opinion … No one's ever said
something about me I've considered untrue to the extent I was
outraged at it … One journalist in a local newspaper wrote
something about me that wasn't true over the Section 28 thing but,
so what?"
In his early 30s, married with 3 children, McMahon became a
full-time student, after some "long soul-searching" with his wife.
Again, it was GMB colleagues who urged him to take a more proactive
approach to his career and the GMB provided financial assistance.
It was, he reflects, "without a doubt the best decision I've ever
made". He's grateful for that push. University changed his
perspective in many ways, giving insight into new things, allowing
him to mix with people of different ages and backgrounds. He felt
passionately committed to educating himself. "It was the only time
in my life that I felt driven … I so enjoyed being in that
environment. Learning from books, learning from people, it was the
best experience of my life. It gave me a whole new outlook on
opportunities and things I could do. One thing I didn't
think I could do was become an MSP!"
Growing up in an area where both the Primary School and Sports
Centre are named after the founder of the Labour Party, James Keir
Hardie, "you can't come from where I come from and not be inspired
by the guy that founded the party". McMahon's Westminster
counterpart, John Reid, is somewhat of a mentor, always "helpful
and supportive", since McMahon's days in the union youth movement.
"Apart from the fact he's a first class politician, he's a very
clever guy and also a friend". A more controversial choice of hero,
McMahon knows, is James Connolly, the Scottish-Irish socialist and
trade unionist, executed for his part in the 1916 Easter Rising.
"His passion and belief, on behalf of ordinary people - he was
pretty inspirational. He was prepared to lay down his life for it."
McMahon's beliefs are shaped by day-to-day living - "Going to an
ordinary school, in an ordinary village, in an ordinary area and
getting on with people as you find them". His father was a
labourer, his mum a housewife and both "very strong Christian
believers". Home was an environment where Michael and his siblings
were allowed to make their own decisions but were comfortable with
the Christian ethos, and shaped "very much" by faith.
Despite a strong personal faith, McMahon is uneasy with being
seen as a "standard bearer charging ahead on a crusade". "It's more
about living by your actions … I'm always conscious that if I'm
doing a certain thing I'd like people to know that it's not being
done for show … I don't like to be pushed to the front, I'm not an
exuberant type of person or charismatic character that can lead but
I know where I stand on things. If people don't know you're a
Christian then what type of Christian are you?" His faith has at
times been the only thing he has been able to draw on, providing
another dimension to seeing issues in purely political or personal
terms.
So is there ever a tension between his faith and politics? "All
the time," he replies, admitting there are occasions when he has
felt uncomfortable with Church figures making overtly political
statements. "I'm sure they wouldn't like me to stand up in
Parliament and pontificate about what the churches should be doing,
and I don't enjoy hearing from priests (or others from within other
religions) that the politicians should be doing x, y or z … I'd
never say to a minister or priest "I want you to do a certain
thing" and I don't expect them to say that to me … I'm always
conscious I'm not a 'Christian MSP' or a 'Catholic MSP', I'm a
Labour MSP who happens to be a Christian/Catholic." Rather than
attempting to direct decisions, he perceives the Church's role as
advising politicians and the public where they stand on issues, so
that debate doesn't take place in a vacuum: "there's nothing worse
than not knowing where a church stands on an issue". He believes
that there should always be dialogue between church and state,
since the church is a major institution in society: "even people
who don't have a strong faith like to know where the churches are
on issues".
Convening the Public Petitions Committee - often held up as a
great lynchpin of the new democratic process - has been a
"fantastic experience". "It's about promoting the Parliament,
offering a way to have people's issues addressed ... You have to
portray the Parliament in a good light but you've also got to make
yourself available and Parliament accountable." Separating
petitions which are frivolous from those of fundamental importance,
"ensuring that each gets the level of scrutiny they deserve" can be
quite daunting. He believes the task is to get the balance right by
"taking forward serious and genuine issues in a constructive and
positive way, not cluttering Parliament with issues that are
important to one or two individuals or groups who just want to use
the system to promote their agenda". He's particularly pleased that
school pupils - aged 14 - came to Parliament to submit a petition
on what they felt was a lenient sentence given to a man convicted
of sexual assault. McMahon hopes this example will help make
connections between Parliament and young people, so that "any young
person would be able to say; 'look at that young person being able
to make contact in the Parliament. Look at the issue they raised
and the way it was genuinely addressed by the politicians' … I
don't think these girls themselves realised where it would
lead".
He acknowledges that Parliament needs to reach out further,
beyond the "usual suspects" - well-established, well-networked and
resourced groups. On the Equal Opportunities Committee, he found
himself consulting repeatedly with many of the same groups. "We
have to find ways of getting information to where people are …
increase our databases, start communicating more effectively ...
It's not as if we're trying to invent people to talk to - they're
there". The e-petition system is one way the parliament is aiming
to reach out using technology. "It's not going to happen overnight
but we have to build gradually." The Public Petitions Committee has
a different ethos from other committees, because "it's driven by
the agenda set by the public … All other considerations are set
aside. If you come with a political perspective you're doing it an
injustice, so we leave politics at the door".
He understands the disenchantment many feel with the Parliament,
accepting the "rocky start" is, in part, Parliament's fault, saying
"We've got to let the public have faith in us … It isn't something
we should despair over … There's been a lot of expectations which
haven't been met, mistakes which have been overblown, steep
learning curves we've occasionally tripped over", he admits. "Over
time the Parliament will establish itself and people will start to
feel the benefits of it … If I didn't believe that I'd chuck it to
be honest … Being a socialist I'm an optimist so I genuinely
believe if we do a good job and are seen to serve in the best
interests of the public, they'll believe in us eventually."